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Why, for example, should Pacific historians study large Pacific islands such as New Zealand and New Guinea but ignore the Philippines and Indonesia?

” He also ponders the inclusion or exclusion of Australia in multiple accounts and points out the constructedness of Pacific designations: “For those living in Hawaiʕi, the ‘Pacific’ refers to the islands lying within ‘Melanesia,’ ’Polynesia,’ and ‘Micronesia’ (constructed categories themselves).

Other academics declaimed upon the Philippines, China, Mexico, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand as part of a “Pacific Era,” enthusing, “the history of the Pacific Ocean is a chapter in the history of civilization,” while establishing that “it was reserved for European peoples to traverse those wastes of water and to establish regular communications.”8 The Pacific was the global future, although one to be instigated from Europe and America; Asia and Oceania were presumed to be trapped along distant shores and landfalls, limited and circumscribed by an expanse understandable only as barrier—those “wastes of water.”Perhaps the most resonant challenge to such imperial tales of isolation, helplessness, and dependency has been the commentary surrounding Tongan writer and scholar Epeli Hauʕofa's “Our Sea of Islands,” which directly reversed the notion of “wastes” and emptiness of water and reimagined them as oceanic transits.

Drawing on centuries of Pacific-wide navigation and settlement, Hauʕofa was moved to confront notions that Pacific Islanders were fated by vast oceanic barriers to inhabit small, isolated, marginal countries.

are historically and discursively rooted; focused on academic research, they are heavily invested in cultural criticism, ethnographic studies, and histories often concerned with “local” meanings, island events, topical political reviews, and issues-oriented forums.

However, there is no reliable ancient historical evidence for such co-regency.

Because Christianity is a historical religion and the events of Christ’s life did take place in human history alongside other known events, it is helpful to locate Jesus’s death—as precisely as the available evidence allows—within the larger context of human history.

Among the Gospel writers, no one makes this point more strongly than Luke, the Gentile physician turned historian and inspired chronicler of early Christianity.

The “belittlement” of possible Pacific histories had created historiographical closure on lived pasts, such that “Oceania has no history before imperialism, only what is called ‘prehistory.’”9Against this notion, Hauʕofa proposed a “Sea of Islands” and a resonant response to the “when” of Pacific histories: newly imagined chronicles rooted in ancient legacies tied to contemporary destinies, from Polynesian navigators piloting outrigger canoes by the stars, to Cook Islanders flying into Auckland, Samoans or Maori finding heritage in Los Angeles, New York, or London, or communities driven by global economics and cultural connections.

The logic of thinking the Pacific as an ocean-based history engages such attempts to restore movements and autonomies—migrations and navigation of island peoples engaged in cross-cultural contacts, shifting social organizations, and ethnic diasporas.

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